While Trump dominated conservative news outlets, his influencer operation was nearly nonexistent, putting the campaign at a disadvantage. But over the course of this past year, the campaign and the Republican National Committee began integrating influencers and content creators into their election operation. Influencers were invited to the primary debates and dozens of them showed up to the Republican National Convention in July.
Many of these creators exist in the manosphere, a community of men who traffic in racist and misogynistic content. Other Trump-aligned influencers who attended these events spread conspiracy theories about Harris, immigration, election fraud, and more. Trump appeared to love it; he shared posts and reveled in the attention online.
“When we live in such a time as this, when there is such record distrust in the traditional media, people trust people, and influencers are people,” says CJ Pearson, cochair of the RNC’s youth advisory council. “They look to influencers to tell them what to be passionate about, what to be enraged about, what to be activated about, and then that’s exactly what we wanted to do throughout this campaign.”
On the ground, the Trump campaign was at a disadvantage to Harris’s massive canvassing operations. The Trump team largely outsourced its doorknocking efforts to the Elon Musk–backed America PAC and Turning Point Action. Both groups suffered from glitchy canvassing apps, and WIRED reported that canvassers for Musk’s PAC in Michigan and Arizona were subjected to harsh working conditions and what they say were impossible-to-meet quotas. Republicans in battleground states like Michigan criticized the campaign’s meager get-out-the-vote effort, fearing that it could cost them the election.
But the in-person campaigning may not have mattered. Bruesewitz believes the campaign’s digital operation may have been what put them over the edge.
“They all run hand in hand,” says Bruesewitz of the campaign’s online and field operations. “We were making direct contact with them at their doors and on their screens.”
Hasan Piker, a popular leftist Twitch streamer, says it wasn’t only Trump’s willingness to appear on these podcasts, but also what he represented to their audiences. “Some of those guys are my friends. Others, not so much,” says Piker. “The podcasts themselves are not exactly what caused Trump to gain momentum or popularity. They played a role, for sure, in outreach, but overall, I think that he had a message that resonated with those guys, and the podcast was simply a vehicle to get to those guys.”
Eric Wilson, a Republican digital strategist, tells WIRED that these online outreach campaigns are less effective at persuading audiences on issues than they are at rallying audiences to vote. “A lot of people misunderstand the role of influencer marketing campaigns,” he says. “It’s about whether they’re going to vote or not. And what we saw in some of the results is that those young men, specifically who were in that target demographic of the various podcasts and influencers, that they went out [and] swung dramatically Trump’s way last night.”
The next challenge, according to Wilson, is implementing influencer marketing in more localized races. “It makes sense for a national campaign. It’s harder to execute for statewide campaign because, you know, the audiences get narrower and narrower,” says Wilson.
“You can’t put a dollar amount on the earned media value that we got through our podcast and influencer meetups,” says Bruesewitz. “Jake Paul, whoever it may be. We were able to leverage President Trump’s personality to garner some of the most viral moments in modern history.”